Vision Therapy

Are Video Games and Computers Bad for Your Eyes?

Blue Light TherapyAbove: Patient wearing computer glasses designed to reduce eye strain and fatigue

By Anita Tieu, Doctor of Optometry Senior Intern

How are video games and electronic devices integrated into our lives? 

With the numerous electronic devices available, video games have become a large part of entertainment for adults and children of all ages. Studies have shown that American children between the ages of 8 to 18 years old spend approximately 7.5 hours per day using electronic devices (4.5 hours per day watching TV, 1.5 hours per day using the computer and more than 1 hour per day playing video games).

How do video games and computers affect our eyes?

With the amount of time invested into using electronic devices, it is not surprising that 64-90% of users experience visual symptoms. Users may experience visual symptoms such as: eyestrain, headaches, ocular discomfort, dry eye, double vision and blurred vision. Factors contributing to these symptoms include: lowered blink rate, poor blink quality, reduced eye focusing abilities, reduced visual acuity and poor eye alignment abilities. In addition, a large proportion of the light emitted from computer screens, smart phones, iPads and other similar devices consist of blue light. Blue light has been shown to have damaging effects on the retina contributing to a higher risk of macular degeneration, a blinding eye disease.

Dry Eye

It has been shown that when engrossed in the use of electronic devices, the frequency and quality of blinks are reduce. Blinking is very important for replenishing the tear film coating on our eyes. The tear film plays an essential role in keeping our eyes well moisturized, healthy and comfortable. A poor tear film can result in ocular irritation, symptoms of burning and gritty eyes.

Blurred Vision and Headaches

Myopia (nearsightedness), hyperopia (farsightedness) and astigmatism are eye conditions that can often be corrected with prescription glasses or contact lenses. These eye conditions can contribute to blurred vision when using electronic devices and when reading. Accommodation is the ability to focus on near objects. When accommodation is inaccurate, meaning that if one’s eyes are over focusing or under focusing, this can also lead to intermittent blurred vision and can also contribute to headaches. When playing games on devices such as iPads, hand-held gaming electronics and smart phones, our visual system has to work to maintain focus for the one particular distance for an extended period of time. Much like holding up a light weight with one arm where it initially may feel easy, and as time passes by, the muscles in our arms begin to fatigued and become strained. This phenomenon can be applied to the visual system, where exerting such effort for extended periods of time can lead to eyestrain and headaches.

Ocular Alignment

Our eyes have a natural tendency to converge when viewing objects at near. In order to maintain clear, comfortable, singular vision, good eye teaming skills are required. Poor eye teaming skills can result in discomfort of the eyes, head tilt or head turn, and double vision when reading.

Damage Caused by Blue Light

Blue light has been shown to cause retinal cell death which in turn contributes to a higher risk of acquiring age-related macular degeneration, an irreversible vision loss. Ocular protection from blue light is as much as important as protecting our eyes from UV light. In addition, blue light has been shown to affect circadian rhythms. Exposure to blue light before bed may disrupt sleep at night.

Tips to make video gaming more vision friendly

1. Follow the 20-20-20 rule. Take a break from the media device every 20 minutes by looking at an object greater than 20 feet away for 20 seconds.
2. Change the position of media device so that the viewing angle is slightly downward to increase eye surface coverage.
3. Visit your local Optometrist for your most up to date glasses prescription and for a thorough assessment of your eye health. Futher assessment with a Developmental Optometrist may be required if glasses and eye drops do not relieve symptoms. Developmental Optometrists can prescribe a program of eye exercises (vision therapy) to eliminate symptoms of eye straing, blurry and double vision.
4. Reduce the amount of glare and blue light by having a glare reducing screen or by having a good quality anti-reflective coating on your glasses. Some optical companies even design blue-light blocking lenses for gaming purposes.

Sleep junkies

Are you an avid gamer? Find it hard to switch off the Xbox or Playstation at the end of the night? Well it’s a common problem. Video games are one of the many reasons why America is becoming a sleepless society.

But that doesn’t mean you should give up your gaming habit. In fact, believe it or not, playing video games can actually be beneficial for your brain, psychologists have found.

However, gamers everywhere, whether you’re into Minecraft or Metal Gear Solid, should be wary of the consequences of too much late night screen action.  So here’s a look at how gaming can impact on your sleep patterns.

Video games and sleep: the research

There’s only a limited amount of research on the effects of playing video games on sleep. Typically these studies are aimed at children and teens because they are more likely to take part in gaming before bed.

A 2012 study held by Flinders University found that participants who played video games for 150 minutes or more at night experienced a delay in falling asleep of 39 minutes, according to their sleep journals. They also lost an average of 27 minutes in total sleep loss during the night.

The researchers also found that playing games caused a drop on the amount of time spent in the REM (rapid eye movement) stage of sleep – a loss of 12 minutes for those who spent over two hours playing games. Dr Michael Gradisar who supervised the study said:

“This may not seem like a significant reduction but REM plays an important part in helping us remember content we learnt that day so for adolescents in their final years of school who are revising for exams, winding down at night with a video game might not be the best idea”

Another study in the journal Pediatrics looked at the effects of evening TV and video games in 612 pre-school children between the ages of 3-5. The results showed that 28%of the children who watched TV or played video games for at least 30 minutes after 7 p.m. had sleep problems most nights of the week. Of the children who had screen time before 7pm, only 19% reported sleep problems.

A much earlier study published in 2003 in the Journal of Applied Physiology, also found that performing exciting activities, like video games before bed, can actually cause your body to produce less of the “sleep hormone” melatonin. Melatonin is used to regulate sleep cycles and is produced in the pineal gland in the brain. It is likely, however that this effect was mostly due to the effect of blue light emitted by screenswhich has been shown to affect melatonin production.

Active or passive: video games, TV and social media

It’s quite common for people to fall asleep in front of the TV at night. Watching a movie or television show is a passive experience. It doesn’t require you to interact with the screen, other than pressing the remote to change channels.

Modern video games on the other hand often have extensive built-in interactive components. Strategic multiplayer shooter games like Call Of Duty even allows you to talk through headsets to fellow game players. This adds a social reason to continue game play into the night.

Hence gaming has a lot more in common with social media than watching TV or movies. The two-way stimulation from games, Facebook, or instant messaging can be almost impossible to resist at times. This can be a significant challenge to sleep, especially considering that 90% of 18-29 year olds are known to take their smartphones to bed with them.

Lucid dreaming and video games

Jayne Gackenbach is a psychologist and an expert on how gaming affects dreams. A lot of her studies are focused on the cause and effect of video games and how they can affect dreaming habits. Because video games and dreaming are both a form of alternate reality, there are very clear correlations between playing video games and our dream lives.

Gackenbach found that avid gamers were more likely to be able to control their dreams than people who didn’t play video games.

It is difficult to know if these enhanced lucid dreaming abilities help or hinder the sleeping experience, but they are an interesting component in sleeping habits of hardcore gamers.

Summary

Although it’s difficult to tell exactly how video games affect our sleep, common sense tells us that any over-stimulating activity before bedtime is likely to disturb our night’s rest.

The Celegraph

Meet the gamers willing to spend hundreds of thousands living their video game fantasy

Self-made millionaire Jon ‘NEVERDIE’ Jacobs pulls up outside his opulent nightclub in an extravagant roadster and heads straight to the dance floor.

His highly sought-after music venue, Club Neverdie, once formed part of a substantial property portfolio comprising of a luxurious 1,000-apartment complex, a modern shopping mall and mega sports stadium.

But what makes these valuable assets unique, is that they exclusively exist in a virtual world, albeit one of real-world financial opportunity where rare goods are routinely exchanged for huge sums.

The entrepreneur purchased the virtual nightclub in the online game Entropia Universe for $100,000 (£75,000) after remortgaging his real life home and then began filling it up with legendary and rare items to entice other gamers to visit.

Mr Jacobs would later sell his space resort, built on a virtual asteroid orbiting a distant planet, for a combined $635,000 (£480,000), setting a new world record for the most valuable virtual item ever sold between players, pocketing an enormous profit in the process.

Jon 'Neverdie' Jacobs
Dancing in a fantasy world: Jon ‘Neverdie’ Jacobs sold his virtual space resort for $635,000 (£480,000)  CREDIT: YOUTUBE 

British-born Mr Jacobs has witnessed the popularity of the virtual goods market explode over the past decade, with online trading enjoying exponential growth. Today, it is estimated to be worth billions of the gaming industry’s total revenue, largely driven by the free-to-play mobile games market offering players in-app purchases.

However console and PC video games have also been capitalising on this growing market.

For instance, the wildly popular game Fortnite: Battle Royale is free to play, with its developers Epic Games making money from players purchasing season passes that unlock items and progress quicker, or buying skins, new weapons or ‘emote’ dance moves for their character.

Fortnite: Battle Royale
Fortnite: Battle Royale is free to play but supports in-game purchases 

The growing revenues demonstrate the increasing willingness of gamers to spend real money on their virtual characters in online worlds. Players of popular games such as Fortnite tend to be convinced to pay in-game as the items cost smaller amounts and are called microtransactions.

Also many mainstream games operate a ‘closed loop’ system, where items can only be bought from the developer and players cannot then sell or trade them with each other.

Yet some more niche game operate a freer in-game economy where items can be bought and traded among players, with rarer items fetching vast prices.

A profitable career

Some players like Mr Jacobs have turned mastering the art of trading in virtual goods into a tremendously profitable career, while other gamers boasting high disposable incomes will happily spend thousands of dollars on items to accelerate their progress instead of ‘grinding’ – performing repetitive tasks for many hours to advance in a game.

A virtual castle in fantasy game Shroud of the Avatar, advertised as a “prime piece of real estate”, recently sold for $6,000 (£4,500), while earlier this year an ultra-rare sniper rifle sold for $61,000 (£46,000) in multiplayer first-person shooter video game Counter-Strike: Global Offensive.

Souvenir AWP Dragon Lore
This Souvenir AWP Dragon Lore sold for a record $61,000 (£46,000) 

In the epic space war game EVE Online, wealthy players are rumoured to have dropped upwards of $50,000 (£37,000) to purchase a fleet of powerful spaceships for their alliance, while another wealthy Chinese alliance commander confirmed spending $70,000 (£53,000) on the game to a player who spoke to the Telegraph.

“I know quite a few people who will spend $3,000 (£2,200) on a Titan (the game’s largest spaceship),” he added. “There are also others who would drop $5,000 (£3,700) to $10,000 (£7,500) on this game, but when you consider how large the playerbase is, it’s a very small minority.”

While Real Money Trading (RMT) for items is forbidden in EVE, players do spend real money on items called PLEX, which can then be traded for Interstellar Kredits (ISK), the title’s in-game currency, for purchasing cosmetics and services.

“We do have some people who will spend thousands of dollars on buying PLEX from us to build a big-ass ship that’s worth a couple of thousand dollars in the game,” one virtual trader told The Telegraph. “And the next month get into a battle, have it blown up, then have to build another one.”

EVE Online
In EVE Online, players go into battle in virtual space  CREDIT: YOUTUBE 

Dr. Mark Griffiths, Distinguished Professor of Behavioural Addiction in Nottingham Trent University’s Psychology Department, believes some gamers are willing to spend real money as rare virtual items can be seen as “life-affirming”. ​

He suggests the motivation behind players purchasing vanity items includes trying to “stand out from the crowd” and “wanting to impress friends or improve gameplay”.

“For most people who are buying virtual assets, it enhances the gameplay. People feel better and have a higher self-esteem as a result of it,” says Dr Griffiths.

“Gamers know what they’re buying, they’re not being forced into it,” he adds. “Their attitude is, ‘It’s my money, I can do what I want. I’m not going beyond my disposable income.”

The virtual goods millionaire

Club NEVERDIE entrepreneur Mr Jacobs entered the record books when he purchased an asteroid space resort for $100,000 (£75,000) in 2005, in the sci-fi massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) Entropia Universe, which uniquely boasts its own real cash economy.

Players can deposit real cash to purchase the in-game currency, Project Entropia Dollars (PED), which in turn can be used to buy high-end items such as healing kits, rifles and spaceships, some of which are then regularly traded between players for six-figure sums.

Mr Jacobs explains that while these numbers might seem “insane” to non-gamers, players see the items as “tools for making money” and can be “very profitable” for their owners, however critics argue that making a profit in the game is unattainable for the average player.

“When everything you do costs something, then everything that you find, that can be used, has more value,” says Mr Jacobs.

The space resort deal was a no-brainer for the gaming millionaire, who many years earlier had predicted the boom of a virtual reality economy. It would prove to be a shrewd move by Mr Jacobs, who quickly turned a healthy profit by taxing players for using his asteroid’s resources.

On the asteroid players could hunt animals and mine resources that they could then sell onto other players.

“I put my house on the line, it was $100,000 (£75,000) at the time,” he recalls. “I ended making between $200,000 (£150k) to $250,000 (£190k) a year from the asteroid…”

Mr Jacobs, better known in the gaming community as NEVERDIE, his avatar, became obsessed with video games from an early age when his father presented him with a Sinclair ZX81, the first affordable mass-market home computer, declaring to him: “This is the future.”

Jon Jacobs 
Live forever: Jon Jacobs and his ‘NEVERDIE’ avatar  CREDIT: JON JACOBS / PROVIDED  

He soon traded it in for an Apple 2E computer, embracing an online fantasy world of dungeons and dragons, recalling: “I fell so in love with it. I was like, ‘Oh my God, should I be doing this for a living?’”

As a penniless and struggling actor, Mr Jacobs would stay up all night playing MMORPGs “all through the Eighties to the mid-Nineties” leading to an epiphany about the immense potential value of a virtual goods economy.

“I said to myself, ‘God, I wish the gold was real’,” he remembers. “And as I said it, I literally had an epiphany. I was like, ‘Wait a minute, it could be real!’”

He added: “Instead of playing for free, I thought every time you died you could come back to life, like in an arcade game when you put in another quarter.

“I just did this calculation based on how many times people die and I thought, ‘Oh my God! This would be worth billions and billions.”

Soon Mr Jacobs would be personally making millions through buying and selling virtual treasures in online fantasy game Entropia Universe.

ROCKtropia
Players battle Zombie KONG in ROCKtropia, a virtual music world in Entropia  CREDIT: JON JACOBS / PROVIDED 

“I played it with a vengeance and ended up being a bit fearless in acquiring items,” he says. “I managed to get the first great set of armour, I had the best guns, items worth around $25,000 (£18,000) in 2003. So my avatar was now, net worth, bigger than me.

“Land prices in Entropia Universe went through the roof, armour prices hit a peak before the global crash, people were paying $35,000 (£26,000) for a healing kit.

“Today people are still paying thousands and thousands of dollars for guns. Healing kits are still trading for $15,000 (£11,000). That economy has sustained that well.

“Buying and selling virtual items has always been fun for me. I love the thrill of exploring and finding a great item.”

He learnt a harsh, but valuable, lesson during the formative stages of his career when he spent $1,000 (£750) on a magical wand, quickly realising it only had ten charges: “Basically I had paid $100 (£75) per life,” he said.

Mr Jacobs would later spend $10,000 (£7,500) for a virtual egg to display in his virtual nightclub, eventually selling it for $70,000 (£53,00).

virtual egg
Mr Jacobs paid $10,000 (£7,500) for a virtual egg to display in his virtual nightclub  CREDIT:  ENTROPIA UNIVERSE

“So I sat on the egg waiting for it to hatch because I’ve got a virtual nightclub and an asteroid,” he says. “It’s like having the Hard Rock Cafe and filling it with rock ‘n’ roll memorabilia. Or having a Jurassic Park and that was my T Rex.”

Growing frustrated in his attempts to expand the virtual goods market, Mr Jacobs soon started thinking of the bigger picture.

“We had this incredible virtual goods economy – that I’d been making my living from, and I could have been making a million dollars or $2m (£1.5m) a year – but it couldn’t grow because the player base was so fragmented across disconnected virtual worlds and games.”

His next project is to join together these detached virtual universes which exist in different games, allowing players to transfer their online avatars and digital currencies cross-platform using a cryptocurrency ‘teleport’ token and blockchain wallet.

“The future of virtual goods is enormous,” predicts Mr Jacobs. “I personally believe it levels the playing field for people all over the world to participate in a global economy.”

The virtual goods broker

Marcus Eikenberry, known by his online moniker Markee Dragon, is regarded as a real money trading (RMT) trailblazer who over the past two decades has built a reputation as a trusted broker of highly coveted virtual assets.

The 47-year-old, who runs trading website markeedragon.com, has been involved in RMT since its genesis, profiting from the transformation of an unregulated trading market into a multi-billion dollar industry, then losing tens of thousands when the developers of the various games he was making money from clamped down on the system.

His rollercoaster career as an online goods merchant; trading in top of the line spaceships, high-end real estate, gold and rare trinkets in the virtual world, has encompassed the high of making his first million to the lows of filing for bankruptcy, twice, losing $250,000 (£189,000) in one day and being hit with a $6m (£4.5m) lawsuit from video game giant Blizzard Entertainment.

It was back in 1997 when he began trading items between players deeply invested in shared fantasy world Ultima Online, a PC title that was fundamental in popularising the MMORPG genre, later followed by the hit fantasy adventure title World of Warcraft.

“Basically no one knew what RMT was back then,” he says. “Nobody had any name for it at the time. Somebody mentioned that they saw an Ultima Online sword on eBay for like $20 (£15). I thought ‘I could do that’, did some tests and the rest is history.

“Back then, it was so new that it was like, ‘I have some of these items that people might be interested in paying cash for, I’ll put them up for sale and see what happens.’

“When there’s a lot more demand than supply, it got the interest of a lot of people who started working a lot of hours of gameplay with the sole intent of acquiring items in the game that players would want to buy.

“I never got into grinding or farming to get that stuff, that was never my part in it, but a lot of people did that and certainly in the very beginning of it, we openly purchased items from these people that we turned around and resold.”

Markee Dragon
Virtual goods broker Markee Dragon has been in the business for two decades  CREDIT: MARKEE DRAGON / PROVIDED 

The popular YouTube and Twitch personality explains “player-to-player fraud back then was enormous” and was one of the primary drivers behind gamers seeking out his services.

“Why sell something to us for $10 (£7.50) when they can sell to someone else for $20 (£15)?” he asks. “Well, it’s because they kept getting scammed and losing their money. People would sell to us and buy from us because they had that safety.”

Markee has sold “millions and millions of virtual products” during his career, making around $150,000 (£113,000) per month in gross sales at the height of RMT. He recalls it “got really crazy” when he was making $500,000 (£380,000) a year in sales of virtual gold and game codes in Ultima Online.

He believes the main appeal for players purchasing items is simply “time versus money”.

“Many of our customers are professionals, or they have a lot of money,” he says. “You can pay $10 (£7.50) for something that you’d have to work four or five hours in the game for.

“A lot of customers are willing to spend money to accelerate time, a few bucks a month, while we have others who are willing to spend $1,000 (£750) a month to build an empire of wealth in whatever game.”

virtual castle
One player paid $6,000 (£4,500) for this virtual castle lot  CREDIT:  MARKEE DRAGON / PROVIDED 

Some players are willing to shell out even more on coveted items says Markee, who re-sold a one-of-a-kind virtual castle for $6,000 (£4,500) in online fantasy game Shroud of the Avatar in April, his most expensive RMT sale to date.

“That is one of the few items that are nearly unattainable within that game,” adds Markee. “That was sold to someone who we had never encountered before, there was a lot of background work to make sure they were not a thief.”

However, since 2010 game developers have been actively clamping down on trades made outside of the game’s ecosystem, instead developing their own authorised trade markets and auction houses.

“So the tide had turned from, ‘RMT – what is this? This is cool. People are making money off of this.’ To lawyers saying, ‘This is a threat, you got to stop it’ and games companies cracking down on it.

“We got up to the point where things were almost out of control,” he adds. “I could see the writing on the wall with RMT, the companies were doing everything they could do combat it.”

In a rapidly expanding virtual goods market, Markee today works directly with developers in games like Shroud of the Avatar offering Trusted Trader services, due to the negative connotations of RMT.

“We’ve figured out how to support it without damaging the market and are giving a legitimate outlet for these activities that are going to take place, whether game publishers like it or not,” he says.

“We’re a nice shining light in the dangerous area of RMT.”

The future of virtual goods

The virtual goods economy will in the coming years “rival the real world economy on a global level”, predicts Mr Jacobs, with trade deals equivalent of multi-billion dollar agreements seen today between China and the US taking place between companies.

“There’s currently a multi-billion virtual goods market,” he says, “even in stupid virtual goods like skins, that don’t have much value, but it’s not, in my opinion, the holy grail.”

He foresees a future where “virtual goods are manufactured with virtual resources that are harvested across multiple games, just like in the real world”.

NEVERDIE wallet
Jon Jacobs has created a NEVERDIE wallet to connect the virtual worlds  CREDIT: PROVIDED / JON JACOBS 

To do this, Mr Jacobs has created the first interoperable avatar wallet on the ethereum blockchain which gamers can use to trade virtual goods game-to-game.

“The NEVERDIE wallet I’ve created means your avatar cannot be stuck in one developer’s game,” he says. “So if it goes out of business, instead of wasting all those hours, you can use your skills in another one.”

“I’m trying to create a system that I know will last, because my avatar NEVERDIE is still alive, today it’s like 16 years old and I don’t want it to die.

“The numbers can be way, way bigger than this. There’s a lot of money to be made. There are livings to be made. But we’ve got to connect the virtual universes.”

EuroGamer

A study by Flinders University, Australia found that playing video games for too long before bed can have adverse effects on your nightly sleep.

As reported by Medical Xpress, the study tested 17 teenage boys who played violent video games for 50 – 150 minutes before going to sleep over the course of two nights. Their sleep and heart-rates were monitored as well.

Flinders University child sleep psychologist Dr. Michael Gradisar, who supervised the study, noted that when the boys played for 150 minutes they showed a 27 minute loss in total sleep time and a 39 minute delay in sleep onset.

1
ZZZZZZZZZZZ…..

“While they went to bed at their regular bedtime, the adolescents’ still experienced significant sleep disruptions caused by frequent awakenings throughout the night,” explained Gradisar.

He also noted that REM sleep – also known as “dreaming sleep” was reduced by 12 minutes among the teens who played for two and a half hours.

“This may not seem like a significant reduction but REM plays an important part in helping us remember content we learnt that day so for adolescents in their final years of school who are revising for exams, winding down at night with a video game might not be the best idea.”

Comparatively, the teens who only played for 50 minutes had little to no trouble falling or staying asleep. It took them about 22 minutes on average to pass out for the night, which is normal for that age range.

“But their sleep onset delay almost doubled to 39 minutes when they played for two and a half hours so clearly there’s a limit to how much you should play before bed,” said Gradisar.

The good doctor noted that the study did not compare the effects of violent video games to non-violent ones (though I hope that study comes next), but he explained that based on his past research there was little difference between playing Call of Duty 4 before bed for 50 minutes versus watching the same amount of March of the Penguins.

“The aim of this investigation wasn’t to assess the content of video games but to look at the effect of the worst possible thing to do before bed because at the end of the day we want to better understand what affects adolescents’ sleep,” Gradisar explained. “At the moment, less than one hour seems okay.”

Now I’m wondering if this is equally applicable towards an older audience as well. C’mon science, keep on testing!

LocumJobsOnline

Psychological Effects of Video Games on Children

In today’s age of technology, children are becoming increasingly exposed to various technological devices from iPads, iPhones, television, and even video games. Unfortunately, not only does screen time negatively affect children’s’ eyesight, but the rise of violent video games is also a factor in the cause of increased aggression in children. As a matter of fact, a 2008 report by the Pew Research Center states that 97% of children ages 12-17 play video games, with about 66% of these games being violent action games. The debate on the psychological effects of video games on children has been a concern among parents. In particular, the debate centers on the question of whether or not video games promote violent behaviors in children. Although no conclusive evidence has surfaced about the correlation between violent video games and criminal activities, studies show that a rise in exposure to violent video games causes increased aggression in children.

Psychological Effects of Video Games on Children

Psychological Effects of Video Games on Children

The American Psychological Association’s (APA) Task Force on Violent Media released a report of a study between 2005-2013 that highlights a “consistent relation between violent video game use and heightened aggressive behavior, aggressive cognitions, and aggressive affect and reduced prosocial behavior, empathy, and sensitivity to aggression.”

Violent video games display and promote unhealthy behaviors in players. Specifically, these behaviors range from drug and alcohol use, foul language, sexual exploitations, as well as criminal behaviors and murder. Parents may ask themselves, “what are the psychological effects of video games on children?” Psychologists and psychiatrists have conducted studies that emphasize the harmful effects of violent video games on its players. In light of recent studies, violent video games affect children by promoting a lack of self-control, a decrease in moral values, and emotional desensitization.

Lack of Self-Control

In a 2013 study conducted by Alessandro Gabbiadini, Paolo Riva, Luca Andrighetto, Chiara Volpato, and Brad J. Bushman, these psychologists measured the effects of video games on the level of self-control that high school students possess. In particular, they hypothesized that those who played violent video games were more likely to engage in a lack of self-restraint. Because violent video games display criminal activities that exhibit low self-restraint activities (e.g. robbery, stealing, killing, and etc.), it was hypothesized that this behavior would influence the behaviors of players. This hypothesis was tested in two scenarios: by placing chocolates near high school students as they played video games and by giving these students exams. Within both tests, high school students were divided into two groups in which one would be exposed to a violent video game while the other group played nonviolent games. In the first test, the students were told of the health effects of consuming too much chocolate. However, the test concludes that students who played video games were more likely to consume more chocolate, thus emphasizing a lack of restraint when engaged in the games. Similarly, students in the second test were given an exam in which they would receive tickets for each correct answer. This test concludes that the students who played violent video games displayed a higher probability of cheating. This study highlights an increase in the absence of self-control within violent video games, which influences the behaviors of those who are playing them.

Psychological Effects of Video Games on Children

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Decrease in Moral Values

Oftentimes, violent video games display a lack of reprimand for bad behaviors. For example, players in Grand Theft Auto are encouraged to partake in criminal activities without any consequences. In fact, players are encouraged to engage in these behaviors, because that is the main purpose of the game. The lack of morality within these games influence children by teaching them about immoral activities. As a result, the younger the players are when playing these games, the more they will be likely to adopt these values. The reinforcement of these values derives from the repetitive nature of these video games. As with any learned behavior, repetition and constant exposure help reinforce that association into a child’s behaviors. Specifically, the negative associations generated from these games cause children to have a reduction of guilt factor when committing the actions. The guilt factor is what prevents people from committing the actions. Therefore, a reduction in this feeling will increase a person’s ability to engage in these behaviors.

Emotional Desensitization

Violent video games have the ability to promote emotional desensitization in children through the normalization of negative behaviors. This is because violent video games increasingly promote negative immoral themes. The addicting factor of video games contributes to the increased exposure that children have, thus also increasing their desensitization to violence. This could be seen in the amount of time that children spend on video games. Studies on the psychological effects of video games on children signify a correlation between exposure to violent video games and a rise in aggression in children. This is due to the decrease in self-control, moral values, and emotional sensitization in children when exposed to violent video games.

 

Cooper Vision

The Effect of Computer Gaming on Subsequent Time Perception

Stefanie Luthman1, Thomas Bliesener2, Frithjof Staude-Müller3

1University of Cambridge, United Kingdom
2,3 University of Kiel, Germany

Abstract

Losing track of time upon gaming is a phenomenon often reported by players of computer and video games. However, the few studies addressing this issue show mixed results and do therefore not allow final conclusions about the effect of gaming on time perception. Even less is known about whether and how time distortion continues after a play session. Therefore, the present experiment tested the effect of gaming on the perception of time subsequent to a game session at a LAN party. 40 players produced standard time intervals of 10 s and 60 s before and after having played computer games. Results show a significant increase in time productions after gaming for the short interval, indicating that game-induced time losses continue even after a game session. In contrast, the reverse was true for the longer interval. We discuss how this result may be explained in terms of participants’ motivational states during the experiment counteracting subjective time losses.

Key words: time perception, computer game, LAN party

Abbreviations: LAN = Local Area Network

Introduction

Time distortion is a common phenomenon in events of exceptional negative or positive evaluation. In an unpleasant setting such as waiting for a bus when already being late, time might be experienced as passing very slowly. In contrast, pleasant situations often cause the subjective feeling that time passes too quickly. However, time distortion is not only limited to extraordinary events but can also emerge in daily life situations. A person who is completely absorbed in performing an activity might reach a state of flow, a mental condition that is marked among other characteristics by a distorted sense of time (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Such flow experiences are often reported by people who play computer and video games (Chou & Ting, 2003; Wood, Griffiths, & Parke, 2007). Despite the pleasure of forgetting time and space in electronic games, time loss can also have negative consequences for the player such as missing appointments (Esser & Witting, 1997; Wood et al., 2007) and has been linked to video game addiction (for a critical review of video game addiction see Griffiths, 2008). However, neither is video game addiction regarded as a mental disorder (APA, 2007), nor does time loss offer much diagnostic value for video game addiction as time loss is reported by high- and low frequency players alike (Wood & Griffiths, 2007; Wood et al., 2007), warranting more research into the nature of video game addiction and the role of time loss in this context.

A question that has not been addressed so far is if, and how, time distortion continues after gaming. It may run out quickly, persist for a while, or even rebound in the absence of the game. In the present study, we test the assumption that computer gamers experience time loss whilst gaming because attentional resources allocated towards the processing of nontemporal (i.e. game) stimuli are subtracted from the attention paid to the processing of temporal stimuli (Zakay & Block, 1996) and that this time distortion persists temporarily after gaming as players transfer time processing schemata activated during the game session to real-life situations (Fritz, 1997). An answer to the question how computer games influence time perception subsequent to gaming is crucial since many activities of daily life such as driving in traffic and operating machinery require precise time perception. While occasional time losses during game sessions might be appreciated by some gamers (Wood et al., 2007), persistent time distortions after gaming could have detrimental effects on real-world performance and the safety of gamers and their surroundings.

Although the study of time perception is a well-established research field, the partially inconsistent terminology across and within publications can lead to confusion. Following the specifications of researchers who have tried to standardize the terminology in time perception studies (Bindra & Waksberg, 1956; Block & Zakay, 1997; Zakay, 1990), a short introduction into the nomenclature of time perception is presented here in order to enhance the comprehension of the present experiment and the studies that are referred to in this article.

In time perception studies with a prospective paradigm, the participant is forewarned about the upcoming task of temporal judgment. In studies with a retrospective paradigm, the subject experiences a time period and will only afterwards be informed about the need of giving an estimate of its duration.

In addition to these study paradigms, there are three different methods for executing the judgment. In the method of verbal estimation, subjects are asked to verbally estimate the duration of a time interval (the standard) that they have experienced. The second method is called production, in which the experimenter instructs the subject to attempt the exact production of a given time interval (e.g. by a stop watch). In the method of reproduction, the experimenter demonstrates a standard (e.g. by sound) that the subject subsequently tries to reproduce.

Inaccurate time judgments can be attributed to deviations of subjective time flow (i.e. the psychological time) from the objective time. A decreased subjective time flow is usually experienced as the feeling that time flies, while an increased subjective time flow is often experienced as a dragging of time. The outcome of such time distortions in time perception studies depends heavily on the applied method. In a verbal estimation task, a decreased subjective time flow will result in an underestimation of the standard time. Using a production task, however, a subject with decreased subjective time flow will produce larger time intervals than the standard. As with the method of production, a decreased subjective time flow during the reproduction of a standard time interval will cause an overreproduction. An increased subjective time flow will cause the opposite effects, meaning an overestimation or under(re)production of the standard, depending on the utilized method.

Theoretical and empirical background of time perception

Theories and studies on time distortion in relation to playing computer games are rare. Myers (1992) theorizes that subjective time during a game session becomes more drawn out when the player’s experience with the game increases. However, his model was derived from reflections on games of the early nineties and has not been tested on contemporary computer games. Another theoretical inquiry on time distortion with regard to video games is the transfer process model by Fritz (1997). He proposes ten types of schema transfers between the real and the virtual world, including the transfer process of time. According to his model, time schemata learned and applied in a game are transferred to post-game experiences. Both models are interesting approaches to explain the underlying processes of time perception whilst and after playing electronic games. However, empirical studies on time distortion among computer game players have rather drawn on models that were developed to explain the phenomenon of time perception in general (for reviews on such models, see Block, 1990; Block & Zakay, 1996).

Since attentional processes play a key role in prospective time judgments (Block, 1992), as measured in the present study, one model focusing on attention in time perception shall now be illustrated in more detail. The attentional-gate model (Block & Zakay, 1996; Zakay & Block, 1996) combines the assumption of an internal clock with that of attentional processes in time perception. Briefly, pulses that are produced by a pacemaker of an internal clock are seen as the raw material of time information. These pulses accumulate in the clock’s cognitive counter and are transferred to working memory. There, time judgment is made by the comparison of the number of accumulated pulses with the average pulse number assembled in similar time periods of the past. In contrast to other internal-clock models, the number of accumulated pulses in the counter depends not only on the clock’s pulse rate, with high arousal increasing the pulse rate and low arousal decreasing it, but also on the transmissibility of the pulse stream into the counter. According to this model, a gate between pacemaker and counter determines the transmission of pulses between both. The gate in turn is influenced by the allocation of attentional resources between the processing of time and nontemporal stimuli. If a person assigns more attention to the passage of time, the gate opens and more pulses from the pacemaker accumulate in the counter, leading to longer duration judgments. Contrary, if an event demands more attention and resources shift from time processing to the more salient task, the gate closes and fewer pulses accumulate, causing a shortening of the subjective duration of a time interval.

In addition to attentional processes, diverse situational variables can influence the perception of time. Angrilli, Cherubini, Pavese, and Manfredini (1997) have found interaction effects between affective states and arousal on time judgments, with underestimations of display times of attention-absorbing stimuli (here aversive low-arousal pictures) and overestimations of display durations of less captivating stimuli (pleasant low-arousal pictures). The reverse was found for highly arousing stimuli. Drugs can also alter the sense of time. As for the more common drugs, two prospective studies have showed reductions in duration estimates due to caffeine intake (Gruber & Block, 2003, 2005). Alcohol seems to have a similar effect on time perception as studies have found overproductions of time following alcohol consumption (Lapp, Collins, Zywiak, & Izzo, 1994; Tinklenberg, Roth, & Kopell, 1976).

In summary, time perception proves to be a complex phenomenon sensitive to personal and situational variables, with the latter apparently exerting their influence by affecting a person’s arousal and/or attention. The following chapter reviews to what extent the use of electronic games as a situational factor can alter the sense of time.

Time distortion among computer game players

When examining the effects of computer and video games, most studies include the amount of time that participants play their games, in addition to the variables of main interest. Yet, there is little research on time perception itself during or after gaming. This paragraph gives an overview of the few quantitative and qualitative studies that have connected time perception and electronic games. So far, most experimental studies examining the effect of gaming on time perception have used a design in which subjects retrospectively judged the duration spent in the virtual world (see table 1). They yield mixed results and indicate an additional influence of subjects’ gender and game experience on time perception. With regard to the prospective design of the present study, prospective studies show some tendency towards an underestimation of time and an equivalent overreproduction.

In addition to quantitative studies, qualitative studies help to reveal further aspects of time perception in computer gamers. For instance, all participants of a qualitative interview study reported that they lose track of time during a game, and many apply strategies for avoiding time loss, for example setting alarm clocks (Esser & Witting, 1997). An online survey among computer gamers revealed under what conditions subjective time loss occurs (Wood et al., 2007). Game characteristics most associated with time loss were high complexity and a game plot, followed by games providing multi-levels and missions, as did beating high scores and multiplayer interactions. Nearly half of the participants claimed that they experience time loss frequently, one third even every time they play. Their feelings towards time loss reached from relief of boredom and stress to guilt for wasting time.

In summary, the question of how electronic games influence time perception of gamers cannot be settled conclusively. Although players frequently admit losing track of time whilst playing, experimental studies have shown mixed results. The low number of studies in combination with their differences in design, methods, and subjects necessitate further research efforts before a concluding answer to this question can be made.

Table 1: Overview of experiments on time distortion using electronic games
fig
Purpose of the present study and hypotheses

Besides the unsettled nature of time perception whilst gaming, there is also no clarity about the persistency of potential time distortions beyond a game session. Our study addresses this issue by examining the question whether playing computer games alters time perception after a game session, and if so, in what direction time perception is influenced.

The layout of this study was built on two presumptions. Firstly, on the basis of the attentional-gate model of time (Zakay & Block, 1996) we assume that gamers would experience time losses whilst gaming because attentional resources become reallocated from time processing to the processing of game-relevant tasks. Secondly, with reference to the transfer model of virtual worlds of Fritz (1997), which suggests that players transfer in-game time schemata to post-game situations, we expect that the distorted sense of time will persist in terms of time losses after gaming. Unfortunately Fritz’ model remains rather vague about how such a transfer of time distortion might take place. We assume that the game-favoring allocation of attentional resources continues after a game session since they may not be instantaneously set back to their initial allocation. Such delays in setbacks were reported in an interview study with regard to increased vigilance especially after long gaming periods (Witting, 2007). The author hypothesizes that perceptional schemata activated in the game continue to be active in post-game situations causing the players to perceive real-life situations through the eyes of a gamer.

In contrast to previous studies, time perception of gamers was measured with time production tasks. As a reminder for the following hypotheses: increased time productions reflect a decelerated subjective time flow (i.e. time flies), while decreased time productions correspond to an accelerated subjective time flow (i.e. time drags). Our main hypothesis predicts that computer games cause participants’ subjective time flow to slow down because of the competing processes of time perception and the playing of games and that this game-induced time distortion would continue also after a game session.

Hypothesis 1: Time productions are longer after a game session than before a game session.

Secondly, in accordance with other studies on time perception and attentional processes (Brown, 1997), our second hypothesis predicts that task difficulty would influence performance in time perception tasks. We expect that attentional resources get diverted from the timing task when participants are required to concurrently process nontemporal stimuli causing a slowdown of subjective time flow.

Hypothesis 2: Time productions are longer for temporal tasks that involve cognitive distraction than temporal tasks without distraction.

The third hypothesis predicts an interaction between the measuring time and task difficulty. We assume that the expected increase in time productions after gaming would be more pronounced for timing tasks that involve cognitive distraction than for pure timing tasks. According to the transfer model of virtual worlds (Fritz, 1997), in-game schemata are more easily transferred to the real world if subsequent situations resemble the game in their structural properties. An enriched timing task, which requires a subject to process nontemporal stimuli in parallel should resemble the cognitively demanding situation of gaming closer than an empty timing task, which allows subjects to fully devote their attentional resources to the time judgment.

Hypothesis 3: An increase in time productions after gaming is larger for temporal tasks involving cognitive distraction than for timing tasks without distraction.

Finally, we expect that reports of subjective time loss in former game sessions would be connected to quantifiable time losses after gaming.

Hypothesis 4: The larger subjective time losses in former games are, the longer average time productions would be after gaming.

Materials and Methods

Subjects

The study took place in the natural setting of two officially organized LAN parties1 in Northern Germany between October and December 2007. Two experimenters recruited participants by means of flyers and personal contact. They were offered personalized feedback of their time perception performance after study completion. A total of 48 gamers consented to take part in the experiment. Eight subjects had to be dropped from the analyses due to dropout from the second measuring-time. Thus, the analyses reported herein are based on the 40 subjects (37 males and 3 females) who performed the test completely. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 38 years of age (M = 22.30, SD = 3.94). Close to half of the subjects were employed (17 subjects, 42.5%), eight studied at a university (20%), and six attended school (15%). The remaining test persons included four in practical education (10%), two in military service (5%) and one subject engaged in community service (2.5%). Participants played computer and video games on average for 16.9 hours (SD = 14.3) per week and attended LAN parties between two and 54 times in the previous year (M = 10.4, SD = 13.4), of which three quarters were private LAN parties (M = 8.4, SD = 13.4) rather than official ones (M = 2.0, SD = 1.2). Most subjects planned to play several games in the course of the LAN party. Their last game before the second measuring-time were predominantly shooter games [versions of Counterstrike (N = 14), Battlefield 2 (N = 4), versions of Unreal Tournament (N = 3), Call of Duty (N = 1), Quake3 (N = 1), Crysis (N = 1), Tactical Ops (N = 1)], followed by strategy games [Command & Conquer (N = 4), Warcraft 3 (N = 4), Warhammer (N = 3)], and the role-playing game World of Warcraft (N = 2) and the racing game Flatout 2 (N = 2).

Experimental procedures

In order to reduce noise and distraction from the ongoing LAN party, the experiment was carried out in a calm area of the building. Subjects were informed of the procedure of the experiment and provided written informed consent. The experimenters explained that the study consisted of two measuring-times, the first preferably taking place after a period of recovery from gaming (minimum of two hours), and the second being undertaken subsequent to a game session. A recovery period prior to the first measuring time allowed for a baseline measurement of subjects’ time perception. At both measuring-times, participants completed a questionnaire and performed two time-perception tasks described below. The points of time at which the tests took place differed and were recorded by the experimenters.

The questionnaire included questions about variables with a potential impact on time perception. Among these were aspects of playing electronic games, such as weekly playtime (in hours) and subjective time loss (“I do not realize how quickly time passes whilst gaming.” from “1 = does not apply to me“ to “5 = does apply to me fully”). Subjects were also questioned about their intake of alcohol and caffeine prior to the measurements and about their physical state (tiredness from “1 = wide awake” to “5 = sleepy”) and mental condition (discontentment, “How do you feel?“ from “1 = very good” to “5 = very bad”). Furthermore, participants were asked to give the level of game excitement they experienced in their last game session (from “1 = boring” to “5 = very exciting”).

Due to the prospective design that we used to examine time perception, participants were informed beforehand that they have to pay attention to the passage of time. A stopwatch was used as time-production tool. For all timing tasks, the stopwatch’s display was only visible to the experimenters. The results of the time productions were not reported to the participants in order to prevent a learning effect that could influence the results at the second measuring-time. First, subjects were asked to generate a 10-s interval by pressing a button of the stopwatch, once to start the measurement and then once more when they thought that 10 seconds had passed. The interval was empty, i.e. no activity was undertaken during the interval and the subject could focus completely on keeping track of the passage of time. The second task was to produce an interval of 60 seconds. This time, however, subjects were distracted from the temporal task by writing the alphabet backwards from Z to A onto a sheet of paper. We decided to not use an interval of 10 seconds for the more difficult task because we wanted subjects to get well enough distracted from the timing task. In addition, the timing of a 60-s interval instead of a 10-s interval would preclude subjects from producing the interval by barely counting the number of letters they have written down, e.g. ten letters provided they manage one letter per second. Because of the writing task, the experimenter took over the part of pressing the stopwatch with participants verbally announcing the start and end of the interval.

Statistical Analyses

Time production data were analyzed with the statistical package SPSS (version 13.0). The significance level was set at p ≤ .05. Repeated-measures analyses of variance were performed, using the factors of measuring-time (before and after a game session) and task type (empty 10-s interval and filled 60-s interval). Three outliers of time production values were excluded beforehand. They were detected by use of boxplots and were data that lay more than 1.5 interquartile ranges lower than the first quartile or 1.5 interquartile ranges higher than the third quartile. Since the time intervals differed in absolute length, the effective time productions were converted into standardized production values by dividing the produced time by the respective standard time interval (Block & Zakay, 1997). Correlational and regression analyses examined the relationship between time production and variables potentially connected to time perception.

Results

Accuracy of time perception

Table 2 displays for each experimental condition the mean time production data before converting. It shows that participants on average underproduced the 10-s interval at the baseline testing. After gaming they still produced shorter intervals than 10 seconds on average, but productions came close to the target interval. As for the 60-s interval, time productions at the baseline were longer than required. After gaming, however, participants underproduced the interval. One-sample t-tests using the standardized ratios of time productions revealed that only the 10-s interval at baseline significantly differed from an accurate timing (M = 0.89, SD = 0.23, t(39) = 3.00, p = .01), i.e. from 1.00.

Table 2: Number of cases, mean time productions, and standard deviations for each experimental condition
fig
Effect of gaming and task difficulty on time perception

Figure 1 shows the relative scores of time productions for each condition. Values above 1.00 indicate overproductions of time while values below 1.00 reflect underproductions. Time production data were analyzed using a two-way repeated-measures analysis of variance and post hoc paired-sample t-tests.

Neither the main effect of gaming, nor the main effect of task type, were significant (gaming: F(1, 35) = 0.07, p = .80; task type: F(1, 35) = 2.66, p = .11). However, the interaction effect between measuring-time and task type reached significance, F(1, 35) = 17.06, p = .00.

As for the effect of gaming on time perception, only time production ratios of the 10-s interval increased significantly from baseline (M = 0.89, SD = 0.24) to post-game measurement (M = 0.99, SD = 0.19, t(38) = -2.60, p = .01, d = 0.45). In the 60-s interval condition, however, time productions were significantly longer before gaming (M = 1.05, SD = 0.21) than after gaming (M = 0.96, SD = 0.22, t(36) = 2.58, p = .01, d = -0.45).

Regarding the effect of task type on time perception, results showed that the demanding timing task (simultaneously writing the alphabet backwards) gave longer time productions than the pure timing task, but only at the first measuring-time. At baseline testing, the average time production ratio of the filled 60-s interval (M = 1.06, SD = 0.20) was significantly larger than the one of the empty 10-s interval (M = 0.88, SD = 0.23, t(37) = -3.53, p = .00, d = 0.83). After gaming, however, time production ratios of the 60-s interval (M = 0.95, SD = 0.24) fell below ratios of the 10 s interval (M = 0.99, SD = 0.19, t(37) = 0.64, p = .53, d = -.15).

fig
Figure 1: Relative scores of time productions of the 10-s and 60-s interval at baseline and post-game measurement
The moderating effect of personal variables on time perception

Time productions neither related to participant’s caffeine or alcohol intake prior to the measurements, nor did they relate to the experiment’s time of day. However, other personal variables showed relationships to some of the time productions. At baseline testing, time productions did not significantly correlate with any of the subjects’ personal characteristics. After gaming, however, there were significant correlations with some of the characteristics (see table 3). As for the 10-s interval, the more participants reported that they typically lose time during game sessions, the longer their time productions were. These were also longer the more exciting participants rated their last gaming period prior to measurement. With regard to the 60-s interval, time productions were shorter the longer the reported weekly playtime. Tiredness and discontentment at the post-game measurement also correlated negatively with length of time production. In addition, the less contented the test persons felt after gaming, the larger was their decrease in time productions of that interval from baseline to post-game performance.

Table 3: Pearson correlation coefficients between post-game time productions and personal variables
fig

The above-described relationships between time productions and personal variables were scrutinized further in multiple regression analyses (see table 4). Results showed that game excitement was the only significant predictor of post-game time productions of the 10-s interval. With regard to the post-game 60-s interval, none of the variables predicted time productions significantly apart from the marginal significance of discontentment after gaming. The predictive value of discontentment increased to significance, however, for the time production change between baseline and post-game measurement for the 60-s interval.

Table 4: Summary of multiple regression analyses (forced entry) of post-game time productions
fig

Further analyses that controlled for the effect of personal variables on time productions2 did not yield additional explanatory value in explaining the opposite outcomes of the two timing tasks described above.

Discussion

Previous studies of time perception in electronic games were mainly undertaken in laboratory settings, using verbal estimation tasks. The studies have not confirmed subjective time losses in computer games, a phenomenon often reported by players themselves.

The present study contributes to the research field by examining gamers in the natural setting of a LAN party and by employing the method of time production. The obtained results are mixed and raise further questions into the effect of gaming on time perception. Firstly, except for the 10-s interval at baseline, there were no significant deviations from the requested time interval, indicating that participants had a close to accurate time perception in three out of four conditions. Secondly, the main hypotheses about the effects of gaming and task difficulty on time perception had to be rejected. This was due to an interaction effect that yielded opposite directions of time production changes from baseline to post-game measurement, depending on the respective timing task condition.

As for the effect of gaming on time perception (hypothesis 1), the significant interaction between measuring-time and timing task revealed the predicted increase in time productions after gaming for the 10-s interval. However, it also yielded an unexpected decrease of time productions for the 60-s interval after gaming. With regard to the effect of task difficulty on time perception (hypothesis 2), the interaction showed that relative time productions were, as expected, longer for the filled 60-s interval than for the empty 10-s interval, but only at baseline measurement. However, after gaming, relative time productions of the 60-s interval dropped below those of the 10-s interval. Therefore, we had to reject the extended hypothesis, which stated that game-induced time loss would be more easily transferred to attention-requiring timing tasks compared to easy timing tasks (hypothesis 3). Perhaps, in contrast to our assumption, the demanding timing task did not capture the attentional resources formerly used for game-related tasks. The last hypothesis predicted that subjective time loss in games would relate to objective time loss after gaming (hypothesis 4). This proved to be true for the 10-s interval, for which participants produced longer time intervals the more they reported that they usually lose track of time whilst playing electronic games. However, such a relationship was not found for the 60-s interval.

The results challenge the idea that gaming exerts its influence on time perception uniformly. Most likely, personal and situational variables limit the transfer of game induced time distortion to real-world time perception or even counteract the initial gaming effect. Regression analyses found participants’ discontentment at the second measuring-time to be a significant predictor of post-game timing data, with shorter time productions of the 60-s interval and stronger decreases from baseline to post-game measurement for the 60-s interval the more discontented players felt. These findings imply that discontented participants may have shortened these time productions in order to quickly get over with the second measuring-time. There again, this relationship may also indicate an avoidance response of participants proposed by Angrilli et al. (1997). Their subjects overestimated the duration of highly arousing aversive stimuli they could not escape, which in our study would be associated with shorter time productions.

The above-described relationship only emerged for the 60-s interval, but not for the 10-s interval. However, we cannot determine if subjects’ motivational considerations primarily related to the length of the 60-s interval or to its demand for attentional resources, or even to the combination of both features. The confounding of interval length and task difficulty is a shortcoming of this study, with the empty interval being 10 seconds long and the filled interval being 60 seconds long. In addition, at both measuring times the production of the 60-s interval followed the 10-s interval. This raises the question if the effect of gaming was different in the 60-s interval (e.g. weaker) compared to the 10-s interval and if the production of the 10 s interval exerted any influence on the performance of the 60-s interval.

In accordance with the concept of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) and the attentional-gate model (Zakay & Block, 1996), post-game time productions of the 10 s interval correlated positively with the level of excitement subjects reported from their last game session. We believe that excitement exerted its influence not primarily through an increase in arousal, which in itself would increase pulse emissions from the internal clock. Rather, excited gamers may have reallocated attentional resources from the processing of time towards the processing of game-related tasks. This reallocation may have caused time losses in the game that were subsequently measured by the timing task.

The finding that time productions were more correct after gaming than before gaming deserves comment. It is tempting to assume that gaming improves timing accuracy. However, this effect may be better explained by the novelty factor at the baseline measurement. In contrast to the post-game measurement, the experimental setting at the baseline is still novel to the subjects and may be regarded as a nontemporal task in itself. We assume that participants drew attentional resources from the timing tasks to the processing of the surroundings and therefore produced time intervals that firstly differed larger from the standard and secondly showed different qualities of time productions (i.e. over- and underproductions). At the post-game measurement, participants were already familiar with the setting and could therefore concentrate better on the timing tasks, resulting in more accurate time productions. Although time perception studies involving distracting nontemporal tasks often show underestimations of time due to a deceleration of subjective time flow, some studies indicate that time judgments also become more inaccurate (both under- and overestimations) because subjects have to judge time on an internal temporal record that is incomplete and unreliable (Brown, 1997, p. 1220). This finding may explain the results of our study in which the novel baseline measurement distracted subjects from timing and led to more inaccurate time productions compared to the familiar post-game measurement. Future studies should use a timing trial before baseline measurement in order to reduce possible biases in time productions due to the effect of novelty on attentional processes.

Admittedly, the reported results need to be interpreted with caution because there was no control group to compare the subjects’ time productions with, which is another weakness of this study. The observed changes in time productions between baseline and post-game measurement cannot exclusively be related to the effect of gaming. These differences in time perception could have also occurred after any other activity or no activity at all. However, in consideration of the experimental setting at a LAN party, the formation of a control group would have meant to keep participants from gaming. This procedure seemed neither feasible nor appropriate for such an event, which is why we refrained from including a control group in the present study. Another methodological concern regards the diversity of games that participants played during the experiment. It is unclear if these games, though predominantly shooters, had different effects on subjects’ time perception, although the results of Wood and Griffiths’ (2007) study indicate similar impacts of shooters and adventure games.

In summary, this study investigated the link between gaming and subsequent time distortion in computer gamers in the natural setting of a LAN party. However, no specific direction of time distortion was found, which may partly be explained by the differing timing tasks employed in this study. Future investigations should aim at examining the effects of gaming on time perception with and without distraction by using timing tasks of same length in a randomized design in order to control for learning effects. They should also control for the potential factors of type of game played, intake of stimulating substances, and time of day when performing timing tasks. In addition to pre- and post-game measurements of time perception, examinations of timing during game sessions could reveal further insight into how gaming influences time perception. Future studies should also include a control group, which could not be realized in the present study, in order to attribute time distortions in gamers more clearly to the effect of computer gaming. Finally, researchers should try to clarify the persistence of time distortions induced by electronic games, which is crucial in determining if gaming changes time perception long enough to have significant effects on safety and performances of gamers in daily life situations.

Acknowledgements

We thank Britta Eglin for her help in data collection.

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Tinklenberg, J. R., Roth, W. T., & Kopell, B. S. (1976). Marijuana and ethanol: Differential effects on time perception, heart rate, and subjective response. Psychopharmacology, 49, 275-279.

Totzke, I., Schoch, S., & Krüger, H. P. (2006). Fehleinschätzung von Zeit als Ursache für Ablenkungseffekte beim Fahren: Bedeutung von Menüstruktur und visuellen Anforderungen [Misjudgment of time as the cause of distraction effects whilst driving: The importance of task menu structure and visual demands]. MMI-Interaktiv, 11, 58-74.

Witting, T. (2007). Wie Computerspiele uns beeinflussen. Transferprozesse im Erleben der User [How computer games influence us: Transfer processes experienced by users]. München: kopaed.

Wood, R. T. A., & Griffiths, M. D. (2007). Time loss whilst playing video games: Is there a relationship to addictive behaviours? International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 5(2), 141-149.

Wood, R. T. A., Griffiths, M. D., & Parke, A. (2007). Experiences of time loss among videogame players: An empirical study. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 10, 38-44.

Zakay, D. (1990). The evasive art of subjective time measurement: Some methodological dilemmas. In R. A. Block (Ed.), Cognitive models of psychological time (pp. 59-84). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Zakay, D., & Block, R. A. (1996). The role of attention in time estimation processes. In M. A. Pastor & J. Artieda (Eds.), Time, internal clocks and movement (pp. 143–164). Amsterdam, Netherlands: Elsevier.

(1) At a LAN (Local Area Network) party people meet in order to play computer games against each other via connecting their computers in a network.

(2) These comprised repeated-measures analyses of covariance of time productions with weekly play time as control and repeated-measures analyses of variance of time production data predicted by tiredness and discontentment at the respective measuring times.

Masaryk University

The Effect of Computer Gaming on Subsequent Time Perception

Stefanie Luthman1, Thomas Bliesener2, Frithjof Staude-Müller3

1University of Cambridge, United Kingdom
2,3 University of Kiel, Germany

Abstract

Losing track of time upon gaming is a phenomenon often reported by players of computer and video games. However, the few studies addressing this issue show mixed results and do therefore not allow final conclusions about the effect of gaming on time perception. Even less is known about whether and how time distortion continues after a play session. Therefore, the present experiment tested the effect of gaming on the perception of time subsequent to a game session at a LAN party. 40 players produced standard time intervals of 10 s and 60 s before and after having played computer games. Results show a significant increase in time productions after gaming for the short interval, indicating that game-induced time losses continue even after a game session. In contrast, the reverse was true for the longer interval. We discuss how this result may be explained in terms of participants’ motivational states during the experiment counteracting subjective time losses.

Key words: time perception, computer game, LAN party

Abbreviations: LAN = Local Area Network

Introduction

Time distortion is a common phenomenon in events of exceptional negative or positive evaluation. In an unpleasant setting such as waiting for a bus when already being late, time might be experienced as passing very slowly. In contrast, pleasant situations often cause the subjective feeling that time passes too quickly. However, time distortion is not only limited to extraordinary events but can also emerge in daily life situations. A person who is completely absorbed in performing an activity might reach a state of flow, a mental condition that is marked among other characteristics by a distorted sense of time (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Such flow experiences are often reported by people who play computer and video games (Chou & Ting, 2003; Wood, Griffiths, & Parke, 2007). Despite the pleasure of forgetting time and space in electronic games, time loss can also have negative consequences for the player such as missing appointments (Esser & Witting, 1997; Wood et al., 2007) and has been linked to video game addiction (for a critical review of video game addiction see Griffiths, 2008). However, neither is video game addiction regarded as a mental disorder (APA, 2007), nor does time loss offer much diagnostic value for video game addiction as time loss is reported by high- and low frequency players alike (Wood & Griffiths, 2007; Wood et al., 2007), warranting more research into the nature of video game addiction and the role of time loss in this context.

A question that has not been addressed so far is if, and how, time distortion continues after gaming. It may run out quickly, persist for a while, or even rebound in the absence of the game. In the present study, we test the assumption that computer gamers experience time loss whilst gaming because attentional resources allocated towards the processing of nontemporal (i.e. game) stimuli are subtracted from the attention paid to the processing of temporal stimuli (Zakay & Block, 1996) and that this time distortion persists temporarily after gaming as players transfer time processing schemata activated during the game session to real-life situations (Fritz, 1997). An answer to the question how computer games influence time perception subsequent to gaming is crucial since many activities of daily life such as driving in traffic and operating machinery require precise time perception. While occasional time losses during game sessions might be appreciated by some gamers (Wood et al., 2007), persistent time distortions after gaming could have detrimental effects on real-world performance and the safety of gamers and their surroundings.

Although the study of time perception is a well-established research field, the partially inconsistent terminology across and within publications can lead to confusion. Following the specifications of researchers who have tried to standardize the terminology in time perception studies (Bindra & Waksberg, 1956; Block & Zakay, 1997; Zakay, 1990), a short introduction into the nomenclature of time perception is presented here in order to enhance the comprehension of the present experiment and the studies that are referred to in this article.

In time perception studies with a prospective paradigm, the participant is forewarned about the upcoming task of temporal judgment. In studies with a retrospective paradigm, the subject experiences a time period and will only afterwards be informed about the need of giving an estimate of its duration.

In addition to these study paradigms, there are three different methods for executing the judgment. In the method of verbal estimation, subjects are asked to verbally estimate the duration of a time interval (the standard) that they have experienced. The second method is called production, in which the experimenter instructs the subject to attempt the exact production of a given time interval (e.g. by a stop watch). In the method of reproduction, the experimenter demonstrates a standard (e.g. by sound) that the subject subsequently tries to reproduce.

Inaccurate time judgments can be attributed to deviations of subjective time flow (i.e. the psychological time) from the objective time. A decreased subjective time flow is usually experienced as the feeling that time flies, while an increased subjective time flow is often experienced as a dragging of time. The outcome of such time distortions in time perception studies depends heavily on the applied method. In a verbal estimation task, a decreased subjective time flow will result in an underestimation of the standard time. Using a production task, however, a subject with decreased subjective time flow will produce larger time intervals than the standard. As with the method of production, a decreased subjective time flow during the reproduction of a standard time interval will cause an overreproduction. An increased subjective time flow will cause the opposite effects, meaning an overestimation or under(re)production of the standard, depending on the utilized method.

Theoretical and empirical background of time perception

Theories and studies on time distortion in relation to playing computer games are rare. Myers (1992) theorizes that subjective time during a game session becomes more drawn out when the player’s experience with the game increases. However, his model was derived from reflections on games of the early nineties and has not been tested on contemporary computer games. Another theoretical inquiry on time distortion with regard to video games is the transfer process model by Fritz (1997). He proposes ten types of schema transfers between the real and the virtual world, including the transfer process of time. According to his model, time schemata learned and applied in a game are transferred to post-game experiences. Both models are interesting approaches to explain the underlying processes of time perception whilst and after playing electronic games. However, empirical studies on time distortion among computer game players have rather drawn on models that were developed to explain the phenomenon of time perception in general (for reviews on such models, see Block, 1990; Block & Zakay, 1996).

Since attentional processes play a key role in prospective time judgments (Block, 1992), as measured in the present study, one model focusing on attention in time perception shall now be illustrated in more detail. The attentional-gate model (Block & Zakay, 1996; Zakay & Block, 1996) combines the assumption of an internal clock with that of attentional processes in time perception. Briefly, pulses that are produced by a pacemaker of an internal clock are seen as the raw material of time information. These pulses accumulate in the clock’s cognitive counter and are transferred to working memory. There, time judgment is made by the comparison of the number of accumulated pulses with the average pulse number assembled in similar time periods of the past. In contrast to other internal-clock models, the number of accumulated pulses in the counter depends not only on the clock’s pulse rate, with high arousal increasing the pulse rate and low arousal decreasing it, but also on the transmissibility of the pulse stream into the counter. According to this model, a gate between pacemaker and counter determines the transmission of pulses between both. The gate in turn is influenced by the allocation of attentional resources between the processing of time and nontemporal stimuli. If a person assigns more attention to the passage of time, the gate opens and more pulses from the pacemaker accumulate in the counter, leading to longer duration judgments. Contrary, if an event demands more attention and resources shift from time processing to the more salient task, the gate closes and fewer pulses accumulate, causing a shortening of the subjective duration of a time interval.

In addition to attentional processes, diverse situational variables can influence the perception of time. Angrilli, Cherubini, Pavese, and Manfredini (1997) have found interaction effects between affective states and arousal on time judgments, with underestimations of display times of attention-absorbing stimuli (here aversive low-arousal pictures) and overestimations of display durations of less captivating stimuli (pleasant low-arousal pictures). The reverse was found for highly arousing stimuli. Drugs can also alter the sense of time. As for the more common drugs, two prospective studies have showed reductions in duration estimates due to caffeine intake (Gruber & Block, 2003, 2005). Alcohol seems to have a similar effect on time perception as studies have found overproductions of time following alcohol consumption (Lapp, Collins, Zywiak, & Izzo, 1994; Tinklenberg, Roth, & Kopell, 1976).

In summary, time perception proves to be a complex phenomenon sensitive to personal and situational variables, with the latter apparently exerting their influence by affecting a person’s arousal and/or attention. The following chapter reviews to what extent the use of electronic games as a situational factor can alter the sense of time.

Time distortion among computer game players

When examining the effects of computer and video games, most studies include the amount of time that participants play their games, in addition to the variables of main interest. Yet, there is little research on time perception itself during or after gaming. This paragraph gives an overview of the few quantitative and qualitative studies that have connected time perception and electronic games. So far, most experimental studies examining the effect of gaming on time perception have used a design in which subjects retrospectively judged the duration spent in the virtual world (see table 1). They yield mixed results and indicate an additional influence of subjects’ gender and game experience on time perception. With regard to the prospective design of the present study, prospective studies show some tendency towards an underestimation of time and an equivalent overreproduction.

In addition to quantitative studies, qualitative studies help to reveal further aspects of time perception in computer gamers. For instance, all participants of a qualitative interview study reported that they lose track of time during a game, and many apply strategies for avoiding time loss, for example setting alarm clocks (Esser & Witting, 1997). An online survey among computer gamers revealed under what conditions subjective time loss occurs (Wood et al., 2007). Game characteristics most associated with time loss were high complexity and a game plot, followed by games providing multi-levels and missions, as did beating high scores and multiplayer interactions. Nearly half of the participants claimed that they experience time loss frequently, one third even every time they play. Their feelings towards time loss reached from relief of boredom and stress to guilt for wasting time.

In summary, the question of how electronic games influence time perception of gamers cannot be settled conclusively. Although players frequently admit losing track of time whilst playing, experimental studies have shown mixed results. The low number of studies in combination with their differences in design, methods, and subjects necessitate further research efforts before a concluding answer to this question can be made.

Table 1: Overview of experiments on time distortion using electronic games
fig
Purpose of the present study and hypotheses

Besides the unsettled nature of time perception whilst gaming, there is also no clarity about the persistency of potential time distortions beyond a game session. Our study addresses this issue by examining the question whether playing computer games alters time perception after a game session, and if so, in what direction time perception is influenced.

The layout of this study was built on two presumptions. Firstly, on the basis of the attentional-gate model of time (Zakay & Block, 1996) we assume that gamers would experience time losses whilst gaming because attentional resources become reallocated from time processing to the processing of game-relevant tasks. Secondly, with reference to the transfer model of virtual worlds of Fritz (1997), which suggests that players transfer in-game time schemata to post-game situations, we expect that the distorted sense of time will persist in terms of time losses after gaming. Unfortunately Fritz’ model remains rather vague about how such a transfer of time distortion might take place. We assume that the game-favoring allocation of attentional resources continues after a game session since they may not be instantaneously set back to their initial allocation. Such delays in setbacks were reported in an interview study with regard to increased vigilance especially after long gaming periods (Witting, 2007). The author hypothesizes that perceptional schemata activated in the game continue to be active in post-game situations causing the players to perceive real-life situations through the eyes of a gamer.

In contrast to previous studies, time perception of gamers was measured with time production tasks. As a reminder for the following hypotheses: increased time productions reflect a decelerated subjective time flow (i.e. time flies), while decreased time productions correspond to an accelerated subjective time flow (i.e. time drags). Our main hypothesis predicts that computer games cause participants’ subjective time flow to slow down because of the competing processes of time perception and the playing of games and that this game-induced time distortion would continue also after a game session.

Hypothesis 1: Time productions are longer after a game session than before a game session.

Secondly, in accordance with other studies on time perception and attentional processes (Brown, 1997), our second hypothesis predicts that task difficulty would influence performance in time perception tasks. We expect that attentional resources get diverted from the timing task when participants are required to concurrently process nontemporal stimuli causing a slowdown of subjective time flow.

Hypothesis 2: Time productions are longer for temporal tasks that involve cognitive distraction than temporal tasks without distraction.

The third hypothesis predicts an interaction between the measuring time and task difficulty. We assume that the expected increase in time productions after gaming would be more pronounced for timing tasks that involve cognitive distraction than for pure timing tasks. According to the transfer model of virtual worlds (Fritz, 1997), in-game schemata are more easily transferred to the real world if subsequent situations resemble the game in their structural properties. An enriched timing task, which requires a subject to process nontemporal stimuli in parallel should resemble the cognitively demanding situation of gaming closer than an empty timing task, which allows subjects to fully devote their attentional resources to the time judgment.

Hypothesis 3: An increase in time productions after gaming is larger for temporal tasks involving cognitive distraction than for timing tasks without distraction.

Finally, we expect that reports of subjective time loss in former game sessions would be connected to quantifiable time losses after gaming.

Hypothesis 4: The larger subjective time losses in former games are, the longer average time productions would be after gaming.

Materials and Methods

Subjects

The study took place in the natural setting of two officially organized LAN parties1 in Northern Germany between October and December 2007. Two experimenters recruited participants by means of flyers and personal contact. They were offered personalized feedback of their time perception performance after study completion. A total of 48 gamers consented to take part in the experiment. Eight subjects had to be dropped from the analyses due to dropout from the second measuring-time. Thus, the analyses reported herein are based on the 40 subjects (37 males and 3 females) who performed the test completely. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 38 years of age (M = 22.30, SD = 3.94). Close to half of the subjects were employed (17 subjects, 42.5%), eight studied at a university (20%), and six attended school (15%). The remaining test persons included four in practical education (10%), two in military service (5%) and one subject engaged in community service (2.5%). Participants played computer and video games on average for 16.9 hours (SD = 14.3) per week and attended LAN parties between two and 54 times in the previous year (M = 10.4, SD = 13.4), of which three quarters were private LAN parties (M = 8.4, SD = 13.4) rather than official ones (M = 2.0, SD = 1.2). Most subjects planned to play several games in the course of the LAN party. Their last game before the second measuring-time were predominantly shooter games [versions of Counterstrike (N = 14), Battlefield 2 (N = 4), versions of Unreal Tournament (N = 3), Call of Duty (N = 1), Quake3 (N = 1), Crysis (N = 1), Tactical Ops (N = 1)], followed by strategy games [Command & Conquer (N = 4), Warcraft 3 (N = 4), Warhammer (N = 3)], and the role-playing game World of Warcraft (N = 2) and the racing game Flatout 2 (N = 2).

Experimental procedures

In order to reduce noise and distraction from the ongoing LAN party, the experiment was carried out in a calm area of the building. Subjects were informed of the procedure of the experiment and provided written informed consent. The experimenters explained that the study consisted of two measuring-times, the first preferably taking place after a period of recovery from gaming (minimum of two hours), and the second being undertaken subsequent to a game session. A recovery period prior to the first measuring time allowed for a baseline measurement of subjects’ time perception. At both measuring-times, participants completed a questionnaire and performed two time-perception tasks described below. The points of time at which the tests took place differed and were recorded by the experimenters.

The questionnaire included questions about variables with a potential impact on time perception. Among these were aspects of playing electronic games, such as weekly playtime (in hours) and subjective time loss (“I do not realize how quickly time passes whilst gaming.” from “1 = does not apply to me“ to “5 = does apply to me fully”). Subjects were also questioned about their intake of alcohol and caffeine prior to the measurements and about their physical state (tiredness from “1 = wide awake” to “5 = sleepy”) and mental condition (discontentment, “How do you feel?“ from “1 = very good” to “5 = very bad”). Furthermore, participants were asked to give the level of game excitement they experienced in their last game session (from “1 = boring” to “5 = very exciting”).

Due to the prospective design that we used to examine time perception, participants were informed beforehand that they have to pay attention to the passage of time. A stopwatch was used as time-production tool. For all timing tasks, the stopwatch’s display was only visible to the experimenters. The results of the time productions were not reported to the participants in order to prevent a learning effect that could influence the results at the second measuring-time. First, subjects were asked to generate a 10-s interval by pressing a button of the stopwatch, once to start the measurement and then once more when they thought that 10 seconds had passed. The interval was empty, i.e. no activity was undertaken during the interval and the subject could focus completely on keeping track of the passage of time. The second task was to produce an interval of 60 seconds. This time, however, subjects were distracted from the temporal task by writing the alphabet backwards from Z to A onto a sheet of paper. We decided to not use an interval of 10 seconds for the more difficult task because we wanted subjects to get well enough distracted from the timing task. In addition, the timing of a 60-s interval instead of a 10-s interval would preclude subjects from producing the interval by barely counting the number of letters they have written down, e.g. ten letters provided they manage one letter per second. Because of the writing task, the experimenter took over the part of pressing the stopwatch with participants verbally announcing the start and end of the interval.

Statistical Analyses

Time production data were analyzed with the statistical package SPSS (version 13.0). The significance level was set at p ≤ .05. Repeated-measures analyses of variance were performed, using the factors of measuring-time (before and after a game session) and task type (empty 10-s interval and filled 60-s interval). Three outliers of time production values were excluded beforehand. They were detected by use of boxplots and were data that lay more than 1.5 interquartile ranges lower than the first quartile or 1.5 interquartile ranges higher than the third quartile. Since the time intervals differed in absolute length, the effective time productions were converted into standardized production values by dividing the produced time by the respective standard time interval (Block & Zakay, 1997). Correlational and regression analyses examined the relationship between time production and variables potentially connected to time perception.

Results

Accuracy of time perception

Table 2 displays for each experimental condition the mean time production data before converting. It shows that participants on average underproduced the 10-s interval at the baseline testing. After gaming they still produced shorter intervals than 10 seconds on average, but productions came close to the target interval. As for the 60-s interval, time productions at the baseline were longer than required. After gaming, however, participants underproduced the interval. One-sample t-tests using the standardized ratios of time productions revealed that only the 10-s interval at baseline significantly differed from an accurate timing (M = 0.89, SD = 0.23, t(39) = 3.00, p = .01), i.e. from 1.00.

Table 2: Number of cases, mean time productions, and standard deviations for each experimental condition
fig
Effect of gaming and task difficulty on time perception

Figure 1 shows the relative scores of time productions for each condition. Values above 1.00 indicate overproductions of time while values below 1.00 reflect underproductions. Time production data were analyzed using a two-way repeated-measures analysis of variance and post hoc paired-sample t-tests.

Neither the main effect of gaming, nor the main effect of task type, were significant (gaming: F(1, 35) = 0.07, p = .80; task type: F(1, 35) = 2.66, p = .11). However, the interaction effect between measuring-time and task type reached significance, F(1, 35) = 17.06, p = .00.

As for the effect of gaming on time perception, only time production ratios of the 10-s interval increased significantly from baseline (M = 0.89, SD = 0.24) to post-game measurement (M = 0.99, SD = 0.19, t(38) = -2.60, p = .01, d = 0.45). In the 60-s interval condition, however, time productions were significantly longer before gaming (M = 1.05, SD = 0.21) than after gaming (M = 0.96, SD = 0.22, t(36) = 2.58, p = .01, d = -0.45).

Regarding the effect of task type on time perception, results showed that the demanding timing task (simultaneously writing the alphabet backwards) gave longer time productions than the pure timing task, but only at the first measuring-time. At baseline testing, the average time production ratio of the filled 60-s interval (M = 1.06, SD = 0.20) was significantly larger than the one of the empty 10-s interval (M = 0.88, SD = 0.23, t(37) = -3.53, p = .00, d = 0.83). After gaming, however, time production ratios of the 60-s interval (M = 0.95, SD = 0.24) fell below ratios of the 10 s interval (M = 0.99, SD = 0.19, t(37) = 0.64, p = .53, d = -.15).

fig
Figure 1: Relative scores of time productions of the 10-s and 60-s interval at baseline and post-game measurement
The moderating effect of personal variables on time perception

Time productions neither related to participant’s caffeine or alcohol intake prior to the measurements, nor did they relate to the experiment’s time of day. However, other personal variables showed relationships to some of the time productions. At baseline testing, time productions did not significantly correlate with any of the subjects’ personal characteristics. After gaming, however, there were significant correlations with some of the characteristics (see table 3). As for the 10-s interval, the more participants reported that they typically lose time during game sessions, the longer their time productions were. These were also longer the more exciting participants rated their last gaming period prior to measurement. With regard to the 60-s interval, time productions were shorter the longer the reported weekly playtime. Tiredness and discontentment at the post-game measurement also correlated negatively with length of time production. In addition, the less contented the test persons felt after gaming, the larger was their decrease in time productions of that interval from baseline to post-game performance.

Table 3: Pearson correlation coefficients between post-game time productions and personal variables
fig

The above-described relationships between time productions and personal variables were scrutinized further in multiple regression analyses (see table 4). Results showed that game excitement was the only significant predictor of post-game time productions of the 10-s interval. With regard to the post-game 60-s interval, none of the variables predicted time productions significantly apart from the marginal significance of discontentment after gaming. The predictive value of discontentment increased to significance, however, for the time production change between baseline and post-game measurement for the 60-s interval.

Table 4: Summary of multiple regression analyses (forced entry) of post-game time productions
fig

Further analyses that controlled for the effect of personal variables on time productions2 did not yield additional explanatory value in explaining the opposite outcomes of the two timing tasks described above.

Discussion

Previous studies of time perception in electronic games were mainly undertaken in laboratory settings, using verbal estimation tasks. The studies have not confirmed subjective time losses in computer games, a phenomenon often reported by players themselves.

The present study contributes to the research field by examining gamers in the natural setting of a LAN party and by employing the method of time production. The obtained results are mixed and raise further questions into the effect of gaming on time perception. Firstly, except for the 10-s interval at baseline, there were no significant deviations from the requested time interval, indicating that participants had a close to accurate time perception in three out of four conditions. Secondly, the main hypotheses about the effects of gaming and task difficulty on time perception had to be rejected. This was due to an interaction effect that yielded opposite directions of time production changes from baseline to post-game measurement, depending on the respective timing task condition.

As for the effect of gaming on time perception (hypothesis 1), the significant interaction between measuring-time and timing task revealed the predicted increase in time productions after gaming for the 10-s interval. However, it also yielded an unexpected decrease of time productions for the 60-s interval after gaming. With regard to the effect of task difficulty on time perception (hypothesis 2), the interaction showed that relative time productions were, as expected, longer for the filled 60-s interval than for the empty 10-s interval, but only at baseline measurement. However, after gaming, relative time productions of the 60-s interval dropped below those of the 10-s interval. Therefore, we had to reject the extended hypothesis, which stated that game-induced time loss would be more easily transferred to attention-requiring timing tasks compared to easy timing tasks (hypothesis 3). Perhaps, in contrast to our assumption, the demanding timing task did not capture the attentional resources formerly used for game-related tasks. The last hypothesis predicted that subjective time loss in games would relate to objective time loss after gaming (hypothesis 4). This proved to be true for the 10-s interval, for which participants produced longer time intervals the more they reported that they usually lose track of time whilst playing electronic games. However, such a relationship was not found for the 60-s interval.

The results challenge the idea that gaming exerts its influence on time perception uniformly. Most likely, personal and situational variables limit the transfer of game induced time distortion to real-world time perception or even counteract the initial gaming effect. Regression analyses found participants’ discontentment at the second measuring-time to be a significant predictor of post-game timing data, with shorter time productions of the 60-s interval and stronger decreases from baseline to post-game measurement for the 60-s interval the more discontented players felt. These findings imply that discontented participants may have shortened these time productions in order to quickly get over with the second measuring-time. There again, this relationship may also indicate an avoidance response of participants proposed by Angrilli et al. (1997). Their subjects overestimated the duration of highly arousing aversive stimuli they could not escape, which in our study would be associated with shorter time productions.

The above-described relationship only emerged for the 60-s interval, but not for the 10-s interval. However, we cannot determine if subjects’ motivational considerations primarily related to the length of the 60-s interval or to its demand for attentional resources, or even to the combination of both features. The confounding of interval length and task difficulty is a shortcoming of this study, with the empty interval being 10 seconds long and the filled interval being 60 seconds long. In addition, at both measuring times the production of the 60-s interval followed the 10-s interval. This raises the question if the effect of gaming was different in the 60-s interval (e.g. weaker) compared to the 10-s interval and if the production of the 10 s interval exerted any influence on the performance of the 60-s interval.

In accordance with the concept of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) and the attentional-gate model (Zakay & Block, 1996), post-game time productions of the 10 s interval correlated positively with the level of excitement subjects reported from their last game session. We believe that excitement exerted its influence not primarily through an increase in arousal, which in itself would increase pulse emissions from the internal clock. Rather, excited gamers may have reallocated attentional resources from the processing of time towards the processing of game-related tasks. This reallocation may have caused time losses in the game that were subsequently measured by the timing task.

The finding that time productions were more correct after gaming than before gaming deserves comment. It is tempting to assume that gaming improves timing accuracy. However, this effect may be better explained by the novelty factor at the baseline measurement. In contrast to the post-game measurement, the experimental setting at the baseline is still novel to the subjects and may be regarded as a nontemporal task in itself. We assume that participants drew attentional resources from the timing tasks to the processing of the surroundings and therefore produced time intervals that firstly differed larger from the standard and secondly showed different qualities of time productions (i.e. over- and underproductions). At the post-game measurement, participants were already familiar with the setting and could therefore concentrate better on the timing tasks, resulting in more accurate time productions. Although time perception studies involving distracting nontemporal tasks often show underestimations of time due to a deceleration of subjective time flow, some studies indicate that time judgments also become more inaccurate (both under- and overestimations) because subjects have to judge time on an internal temporal record that is incomplete and unreliable (Brown, 1997, p. 1220). This finding may explain the results of our study in which the novel baseline measurement distracted subjects from timing and led to more inaccurate time productions compared to the familiar post-game measurement. Future studies should use a timing trial before baseline measurement in order to reduce possible biases in time productions due to the effect of novelty on attentional processes.

Admittedly, the reported results need to be interpreted with caution because there was no control group to compare the subjects’ time productions with, which is another weakness of this study. The observed changes in time productions between baseline and post-game measurement cannot exclusively be related to the effect of gaming. These differences in time perception could have also occurred after any other activity or no activity at all. However, in consideration of the experimental setting at a LAN party, the formation of a control group would have meant to keep participants from gaming. This procedure seemed neither feasible nor appropriate for such an event, which is why we refrained from including a control group in the present study. Another methodological concern regards the diversity of games that participants played during the experiment. It is unclear if these games, though predominantly shooters, had different effects on subjects’ time perception, although the results of Wood and Griffiths’ (2007) study indicate similar impacts of shooters and adventure games.

In summary, this study investigated the link between gaming and subsequent time distortion in computer gamers in the natural setting of a LAN party. However, no specific direction of time distortion was found, which may partly be explained by the differing timing tasks employed in this study. Future investigations should aim at examining the effects of gaming on time perception with and without distraction by using timing tasks of same length in a randomized design in order to control for learning effects. They should also control for the potential factors of type of game played, intake of stimulating substances, and time of day when performing timing tasks. In addition to pre- and post-game measurements of time perception, examinations of timing during game sessions could reveal further insight into how gaming influences time perception. Future studies should also include a control group, which could not be realized in the present study, in order to attribute time distortions in gamers more clearly to the effect of computer gaming. Finally, researchers should try to clarify the persistence of time distortions induced by electronic games, which is crucial in determining if gaming changes time perception long enough to have significant effects on safety and performances of gamers in daily life situations.

Acknowledgements

We thank Britta Eglin for her help in data collection.

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(1) At a LAN (Local Area Network) party people meet in order to play computer games against each other via connecting their computers in a network.

(2) These comprised repeated-measures analyses of covariance of time productions with weekly play time as control and repeated-measures analyses of variance of time production data predicted by tiredness and discontentment at the respective measuring times.

Stuff

Why video games make people happy

LEVEL UP: Perhaps video games aren't the enemy? Research suggests they can be used as a way to empower young people to manage their mental health and wellbeing.
MCT
LEVEL UP: Perhaps video games aren’t the enemy? Research suggests they can be used as a way to empower young people to manage their mental health and wellbeing.

Video games, whether violent or not, are a lightning rod for speculation and fear regarding their impact on children and adults alike.

Yet, we do not have to go far back in time when almost identical expressions of concern were made regarding comic books, novels and various genres of music – from rock to punk.

While it would be foolish to suggest that every instance of a particular type of media is appropriate to all age groups (clearly Grand Theft Auto and A Clockwork Orange were not made to be consumed by children), it is essential that we take a balanced and considered approach.

Our research has shown a range of benefits associated with playing video games, whatever their content.

We have shown improvements in mood, reductions in stress, and feelings of competence and autonomy resulting from playing video games.

Our studies of play with others have revealed benefits for young people in terms of social wellbeing and feelings of relatedness.

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But importantly, we have also found co-operative video game play to be associated with increased brain activity for younger people.

More broadly, using a well validated measure of mental health and wellbeing, we have found evidence that for adult players, a positive impact on wellbeing resulted from playing video games with other people.

In a randomised controlled trial with a clinically depressed sample of adults, the positive influences of video games have been shown to include a reduction in tension, anger, depression and fatigue and increase in vigour.

Importantly, these improvements were supported by associated changes in brain activity and heart rate variability. Research focusing on video game play among children has suggested that the best outcomes are associated with moderate video game play as opposed to no play or excessive play.

These benefits have extended to greater positive emotions, having less risky friendship networks, better self-esteem and higher levels of family closeness.

While dysfunctional patterns of play can occur, we need to be cautious about assumptions regarding children and video game playing.

Researchers at the University of Rochester, New York, have shown that whether people engage with video games in a healthy way is a consequence of whether certain basic needs (feelings of competence, autonomy and relatedness) are being met in their lives.

If your needs are not being met and you are less satisfied in your everyday life, you are more likely to engage unhealthily with video games and for play to result in less enjoyment and more tension.

In contrast, if you are broadly happy and satisfied, you are more likely to engage with video games in a balanced, healthy way and your video game playing is likely to lead to feelings of enjoyment and increased energy.

There is a range of evidence that suggests video games can positively impact a young player’s wellbeing.

Translating this research into practical guidelines about gaming and wellbeing that can be used by parents and professionals is critical.

Importantly, there are also clear opportunities to use video games as a way to empower young people to manage their mental health and wellbeing, and potentially circumvent psychological distress.

An important thing is that players (and their parents) engage thoughtfully with what they are playing.

Games like Minecraft and Portal 2 are appropriate for a wide age range and encourage creativity and co-operation.

Even more adult-themed and violent video games can have a positive influence – but who the player is and the nature of their engagement will influence the impact of such games.

Daniel Johnson is director of the QUT games research lab and leads the gaming research group at the Young and Well Co-operative Research Centre.

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Forte strong

WHY ARE VIDEO GAMES SO ATTRACTIVE TO YOUNG MEN?

Matthew Arrington

What is it about video games that are so attractive to young men? What is it about gaming that draws them in like a moth to a flame?

At Forte Strong, we get asked these questions on a weekly basis. Video games by nature are meant to be enticing, exhilarating, and yes, addictive. Why? Well, let’s think of it from a business perspective: if a video game can draw you in and captivate your attention, you will be much more likely to buy the next installment of the same game of that series when it gets released. You see, video games are like any professional team franchise. They have fans! Baseball, football, basketball, hockey… they all have raving fans who want to be entertained and are more than willing to give away their money to do so. These team franchises want loyal fans who will indoctrinate their friends into loving their team, much like I have done with my children (go Clippers!).

For example, the successful video game franchise HALO, has made well over $5 Billion dollars (and that was as of 2015!). And as of January this year, the infamous World of Warcraft has produced more than $10 Billion in revenue. Video game designer Jane McGonigal said in her 2010 Ted talk,

“Hundreds of millions of people around the globe are already devoting larger and larger chunks of time to this alternate reality. Collectively, we spend three billion hours a week gaming. In the United States, where there are 183 million active gamers, video games took in about $15.5 billion last year. And though a typical gamer plays for just an hour or two a day, there are now more that five million “extreme” gamers in the U.S. who play an average of 45 hours a week. To put this in perspective, the number of hours that gamers worldwide have spent playing World of Warcraft alone adds up to 5.93 million years.” (And that was seven years ago!)

John Eldredge, author of the book Wild At Heart perhaps put it best when he said, “Deep in his heart, every man longs for a battle to fight, an adventure to live, and a beauty to be won.” You see, the male entity has an innate desire for challenge deep in his soul. EVERY man. This starts at a young age and can be manifested in a young boys desire to build and create structures and vehicles out of legos, destroy the tall tower he made out of blocks, and discover all of the bugs and other creatures that may be residing in his backyard. Most mothers we talk to say something to the effect of, “My son doesn’t like to be challenged. All he does is isolate in his room, and play video games nonstop. He doesn’t socialize much with friends and wants to spend every hour of his free-time gaming.”

But you see, video games stimulate this need in a big way. In every new level there is discovery happening. Most video games are created with puzzles, plot twist and turns, innocents to rescue and bosses to battle. Every hour played allows these young men to find new, more powerful armor and weapons, upgrade their character and become more mighty. Even in role playing games, the decisions you make will actually increase your in-game reputation, affecting the outcome of the other characters you interact with as you progress. This is something that takes a lot of energy and effort to do in the real world.

Lets not forget about the social aspect as well. What do video games achieve as far as peer-interaction? Well, you can easily converse with someone halfway across the world with a head mic and lead a team of allied world war II soldiers in recapturing a french town from Nazi soldiers. I can “socialize” with a group of comrades from all over and strategically maneuver and lead them around the virtual battlefield. Although fleeting, this “friendship”, created when all are fighting towards a common goal, can make a young man feel like he’s meeting or exceeding the social need to interact with others. The problem with all of this is that when the power button is pressed, and the game console is turned off, that social group disappears. All of the excitement and action is momentary, so young men become addicted to playing and socializing virtually, to meet that need.

So you can see that video games are becoming more accessible, more interactive, more challenging than ever before, and that is why they have become so enticing. Now that you understand why video games are so attractive, what can you do about it? There is a simple answer, but that doesn’t make it easy. Half of the battle will be to change the environment. With a change of environment, we introduce an element of “psychological disruption” where your son will be challenged to create new thought patterns, routines, and interactions. This involves parents learning to set healthy boundaries and sticking to them. That boundary might look something like this, “Son, I know you like playing video games. But, we’re not going to support that lifestyle. You are more than welcome to support that lifestyle in your own place. We’re giving you 30 days to move out and find your own place so you can live how you want to live, without feeling like we’re breathing down your neck. We love and support your need for independence and we know you can do it. Let us know when you have it figured out.”

For parents who struggle when setting boundaries or have a hard time following through with them when they do, might I suggest you call us for advice? We’ve helped thousands of parents find the courage they needed to set boundaries with their children and keep them. You can do it too!

Stay tuned to our other blog posts for other good information and how to establish healthy boundaries for your son/family.

 

 

 

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Matthew Arrington grew up in Southern California and has a deep fondness for the ocean and water in general. He’s lived in most of the western united states and attended school in Oregon, where he earned a few degrees in business including, marketing, leadership and organizational management and a Masters in Business. Matt has a huge passion for working with young men to increase their chances of success and credits his current success to the many positive male role models that helped him grow into manhood.